Scriitorul american de origine română, Elie Wiesel, a fost dat în judecată de un supravieţuitor al Holocaustului, Grüner Miklos, pe motiv că purtătorul Premiului Nobel din 1986 şi-ar fi însuşit identitatea deţinutului A-1773.
Unde este adevarul ? Multe surse pe internet il acuza pe dl. Wiesel. Ne ajutati sa deslusim adevarul ?
Autor: ISTVAN DEAK / Jurnalul.ro
Grüner Miklos, stabilit în localitatea suedeză Malmo, susţine că are dovezi certe că Elie Wiesel nu este persoana cu care a petrecut aproape un an la Auschwitz. „În 1986, după decernarea Premiului Nobel, presa suedeză a început să caute supravieţuitori ai Holocaustului. Aşa m-au găsit pe mine, la Malmo. M-au întrebat dacă vreau să mă revăd cu colegul meu de lagăr, Elie Wiesel. Numele de Elie nu îmi suna cunoscut. Mi-au spus că pe vremea aceea figura sub numele de Lazar Wiesel. Timp de un an am fost închis cu Lazar în aceiaşi baracă la Auschwitz. Apărem amândoi pe acea fotografie făcută în lagărul de la Buchenwald pe 16 aprilie 1945, care a făcut înconjurul lumii, Wiesel cu Haft-Nr.123565 (n.r. foto. al 7-lea din al doilea rând), iar eu cu Haft-Nr. 120762 (n.r primul în colţul din stânga).
The above high-resolution photograph of Buchenwald survivors was first published in the New York Times onMay 6, 1945 with the caption “Crowded Bunks in the Prison Camp at Buchenwald”. It was taken inside Block #56 by Private H. Miller of the Civil Affairs Branch of the U.S. Army Signal Corps on April 16, 1945, five days after the Buchenwald camp was liberated by a division of the US Third Army on April 11, 1945. None of the men in the picture were identified at that time.
Îl ştiam foarte bine, dar de atunci trecuseră 40 de ani. Întâlnirea organizată de suedezi a durat 10 minute şi a avut loc pe 14 decembrie 1986. Normal că eram doi oameni schimbaţi, dar el refuza să vorbească cu mine în ungureşte, deşi în lagăr doar limba aceasta am folosit-o. Mi-a vorbit într-o engleză cu accent franţuzesc şi în momentul în care nu a vrut să îmi arate tatuajul (A-7713), căpătat de toţi deţinuţii din Auschwitz, am început să am dubii mari că acesta ar fi Lazar Wiesel. La finalul întâlnirii mi-a dedicat cartea sa „Noaptea”, despre care susţine că el a scris-o, dar eu am spus tuturor că omul acesta nu este Lazar Wiesel”, spune Grüner Miklos.
Grüner: „Lazar Wiesel mi-a salvat viaţa”
De la întâlnirea cu Wiesel, Grüner Miklos nu a mai avut o zi de linişte. Timp de 25 de ani a căutat dovezi, care să confirme ipoteza sa, pe care le-a publicat într-o carte.
„În luna mai a anului 1944, am fost deportat, de la Nyiregyhaza la Auschwitz Birkenau. Imediat mi s-a tatuat pe antebraţ un număr de înregistrare. În câteva zile mi-am pierdut toată familia, atunci am ajuns‚ în grija fraţilor Wiesel, Lazar şi Abraham. Cei doi proveneau din Sighetul Marmaţiei (nr. judeţul Maramureş, România). Lazar era născut în 1913 şi avea numărul de înregistrare A-7713, în timp ce Abraham, în 1900 cu numărul de înregistrare A-7712. Ei m-au luat sub aripa lor şi au avut grijă de mine, pe cât se putea în astfel de condiţii. În momentul în care nemţii au început să se retragă, au luat şi oamenii din Auschwitz. Eu am fugit cu Lazar, asta ne-a legat şi mai mult. Am ajuns în localitatea Glivice, pe timpul iernii năprasnice din ianuarie 1945. Foarte mulţi au murit pe drum. Ne-au băgat în vagoane supraîncărcate şi până am ajuns la Buchenwald, mulţi au decedat, printre ei şi fratele lui Lazar, Abraham. Aici am stat până pe 8 aprilie 1945, când ne-au eliberat americanii, de atunci nu mai ştiu nimic de Lazar Wiesel. Am ajuns într-un sanatoriu din Elveţia, apoi în Australia”, îşi aminteşte Grüner despre perioada petrecută cu Wiesel.
“Noaptea” a adus consacrarea lui Elie Wiesel
Grüner Miklos susţine că la Auschwitz nu a existat nici un deţinut cu numele de Elie Wiesel. „În 1955, bunul meu prieten Lazar Wiesel a publicat cartea -Lumea tace-, la Paris, sub numele de Eliezer Wiesel. În 1958, cartea a fost rescrisă în franceză şi engleză sub denumirea de The Night (La Nuit- Noaptea) de Francois Mauriac. Cartea iniţială avea 250 de pagini, acum avea doar 115 şi era semnată de Elie Wiesel. Această carte a devenit un bestseller cu peste 10 milioane de exemplare vândute, Wiesel primind şi Premiul Nobel în 1986, plus alte distincţii, în timp ce s-a pierdut orice urmă a prietenului meu Lazar”, spune Grüner.
Acesta s-a deplasat în America, la Oficiul pentru Evidenţa Populaţiei, dar nu a găsit nici un act care să ateste existenţa pe teritoriul american al unei persoane cu numele de Lazar Wiesel sau Elie Wiesel. Grüner l-a denunţat pe Wiesel şi la FBI- Aceştia i-au cerut un răgaz de 14 zile înainte de a-i oferi un răspuns, însă au trecut anii fără un semn de la autorităţile americane.
„Primesc constant telefoane de ameninţare că voi fi împuşcat dacă mai continui investigaţiile, dar eu am trecut deja prin moarte, nu mă mai sperie nimic. Înainte să mor vreau ca toată lumea să ştie că Elie Wiesel este un impostor. Lazar Wiesel, A-7712, cu care am fost la Auschwitz, care apare în fotografie, s-a născut la data de 4 septembrie 1913, în timp ce pe certificatul de naştere a lui Elie Wiesel, scrie 30 septembrie 1928”, a spus Grüner, autorul cărţii „Povestea unui premiu Nobel furat cu identitate falsă”
Cazul se judecă la Budapesta
În plângerea depusă, Grüner Miklos susţine că Abraham Wiesel (A-7712) a fost fratele lui Lazar şi nu tatăl, aşa cum declarase Elie. „Din documentele obţinute din România, reiese că tatăl lui Lazar Wiesel a fost Salamon Wiesel. Eu vreau ca instanţa să spună clar dacă Elie Wiesel a fost vreodată încarcerat la Auschwitz, fiindcă eu mă îndoiesc”, a încheiat Grüner.
Avocatul acestuia Dr. Bősze Ferenc a declarat că procesul ar putea începe chiar în toamna aceasta. „Este interesant că Grüner este cetăţean suedez, Wiesel american, dar cazul va fi judecat în Ungaria de Judecătoria Budapesta. Grüner Miklos a adunat o sumedenie de dovezi, unele concludente, ca de exemplu lista cu pasagerii care au călătorit de la Paris la New York în 1957, când Elie Wiesel susţine că a ajuns în America, certificatul de naştere al lui Lazar Wiesel din România, acte de la Muzeul Auschwitz, cât şi certificate de la comunitatea evreiască Yed Vasem din Jerusalim”, a declarat Bősze Ferenc
Nu existat doi de Lazar Wiesel la Auschwitz?
Cazul Wiesel a intrat în atenţia mai multor supravieţuitori ai Holocaustului. În 1986, Eva Kor a trimis o scrisoare către Muzeul Auschwitz în care solicită informaţii despre deţinutul A 7713. Kazimierz Smolen, directoarea Muzeului Auschwitz i-a răspuns într-o scrisoare datată la 15 martie 1987:
„În lagărul de concentrare Auschwitz, cu numărul de identificare A 7713 figurează domnul Lazar Weisel, născut la data de 4.09.1913. Este un evreu din Ungaria, născut la Marmarossziget (Sighetul Marmaţiei). El a sosit la Auschwitz în data de 24 mai 1944. A stat închis până la finalul anului 1944 în KL Auschwitz III – Monowitz. În momentul evacuării lagărului a fost transferat la KL Buchenwald, fiind înregistrat în ziua de 26.01.1945”.
În data de 7 iulie 2003, Muzeul Auschwitz i-a trimis o scrisoare lui Grüner Miklos în care apar următoarele date de identificare: „A-11104 Grüner Miklos, evreu din Ungaria, născut la data de 6 aprilie 1928 la Nyiregyhaza, A-7712 Wiesel Abraham, născut la 10 octombrie 1900 la Marmarossziget (Sighetul Marmaţiei), A-7713 Wiesel Lazar, născut la 4 septembrie 1913 la Marmarossziget (Sighetul Marmaţiei).
Într-o anchetă paralelă dusă de Carlo Mattogno, scriitorul italian a ajuns la concluzia că atât la Auschwitz, cât şi la lagărul Buchenwald, unde s-a realizat fotografia, a mai existat un Lazar Wiesel, dar scris Lázár Wiesel.
„În data de 22 aprilie 1945, Lázár Wiesel a completat un formular al armatei americane la Buchenwald. La data naşterii, el a scris: 4 octombrie 1928, iar la locul naşterii: Marmarossziget (Sighetul Marmaţiei). A scris că a fost arestat în data de 16 aprilie 1944 şi deportat la Auschwitz-Monowitz. El s-a născut în acelaşi an cu Elie Wiesel, dar nu în aceiaşi zi.
Conform site-ului memorial Buchenwald Gedenkstatte, Lázár Wiesel a fost trimis la Paris în data de 16 iulie 1945, într-un convoi de supravieţuitori copii. Dovada clară că vorbim de doi oameni diferiţi este faptul că în registrele de la Buchenwald apare Lazar Wiesel, deţinut politic, născut la 4 septembrie 1913, cu numărul de înregistrare Haft-Nr 123565, dar şi Lázár Wiesel, născut la data de 4 octombrie 1928, cu numărul de înregistrare Haft-Nr 123165.
Nu se ştie ce număr de înregistrare a avut Lázár Wiesel la Auschwitz şi nici nu apare pe lista persoanelor care au fost transferate de la Auschwitz la Buchenwald, dar în nici un caz nu putea fi A-7713, fiindcă acesta aparţinea lui Lazar Wiesel născut în 1913”, susţine Carlo Mattogno.
În 2008, la procesul lui Eric Hunt, cel care l-a atacat pe Wiesel într-o cameră de hotel, aflat sub jurământ, în calitate de parte vătămată, Elie Wiesel a dat următoarele răspunsuri la întrebările judecătorului”: M-am născut în Sighet, România, la data de 30 septembrie 1928. Am fost deportat la Auschwitz, iar pe antebraţul stâng mi s-a tatuat A 7713, în timp ce tatăl meu a primit A 7712”
Sursa: Jurnalul National
Foto: GETTY IMAGES
Multi s-au intrebat unde este numarul tatutat in lagar ? nimeni nu l-a vazut, desi dl. Wiesel a declarat ca numarul respectiv ii apartinea.
Elie Wiesel has told us for over 50 years that he was tattooed at Auschwitz in 1944, and that his tattoo number is A7713. He has repeatedly said that he still has this original tattoo on his arm. Just last March in Dayton, Ohio, Elie met with the press, high school and college students, and 2300 members of the local community. As reported in the Dayton Daily News , one student asked Wiesel if he still has his concentration camp number and if it serves as a reminder of those terrible experiences. “I don’t need that to remember, I think about my past every day,” he responded. “But I still have it on my arm – A7713. At that time, we were numbers. No names, no identity.”
July 8, 2008, Trial of the State of California vs. Eric Hunt: Elie Wiesel made the following statements under oath:
- Q. And is this book Night that you wrote a true account of your experience during World War II?
- A. It is a true account. Every word in it is true.
- Q. And what was your – what day were you born in Sighet, Romania?
- A. September 30th, 1928.
- Q. And what [number] was tattooed on your left arm?
- A. My number was A7713. My father’s number was 7712.
Source: Superior Court of California. County of San Francisco. Before the Honorable Robert Donder, Judge Presiding, Department Number 23. People of the State of California, Plaintiff, vs. Eric Hunt, Defendant. Testimony of Elie Wiesel, July 8, 2008, p. 7 and 13.
Elie Wiesel has stated it in interviews …
March 25, 2010, University of Dayton: A student asked Wiesel if he still has his concentration camp number and if it serves as a reminder of those terrible experiences. “I don’t need that to remember, I think about my past every day,” he responded. “But I still have it on my arm – A7713. At that time, we were numbers. No names, no identity.”
Source: Dayton Daily News, March 26, 2010, “Elie Wiesel: ‘The answer is education … and memory’ Holocaust survivor, Peace Prize winner talks to local high school and college students.”
By Meredith Moss, Staff Writer Updated 7:56 AM Friday, March 26, 2010 .
Contact Moss at (937) 225-2440 or mmoss@DaytonDailyNews.com.
And in speeches.
Speech delivered by Elie Wiesel in 1995 at ceremony in Poland to mark the 50th Anniversary of the Auschwitz liberation.
“I speak to you as a man who 50 years and nine days ago, had no name, no hope, no future, and wasknown only by his number A 7713.”
Source: KLRN, San Antonio. “Elie Wiesel, First Person Singular” A PBS Production.
Ar trebui continuata analiza referitoare la aceasta informatie: de unde a pornit si cine este detinutul in cauza.
On 3 March 2009, a Hungarian website published an article entitled Még mindig kísérti a haláltábor (The extermination camp is still tempting) and outlining important revelations by Miklós Grüner, a former deportee to Auschwitz. The article was translated and appeared the following day under the title Auschwitz Survivor Claims Elie Wiesel is an Impostor.
Miklós Grüner’s declarations have been repeated many times, but have not caused any major research effort. We will thus scrutinize them critically but soberly.
First of all, some biographical data on Elie Wiesel:
Born on 30 September 1928 at Sighet in Romania, the son of Shlomo andSarah Frig, the daughter of Dodye Feig, deported to Birkenau on 16 May 1944
he most important point to be verified is the reliability of the accuser. What can be considered established on the subject of Miklós Grüner is the fact that he was at Buchenwald in May of 1945. In a “Concentration Camp Inmates Questionnaire” of the Military Government of Germany, we have an entry giving his name, and the date of his birth – 6 April 1928 – also conforms. The ID number is handwritten in the upper left hand corner: 120762.
However, the key person here is Lázár Wiesel. Fortunately, the file card concerning his stay at the Buchenwald camp also exists and allows us to verify Miklós Grüner’s assertions. This file card has in its upper left hand corner the handwritten entry “Ung. Jude” (Hungarian Jew), in the center, “Ausch. A 7713”, i.e. “Auschwitz A-7713”, the former Auschwitz ID number, and, on the right, “Gef.-Nr.:123565”, (Detainee number 123565, the new Buchenwald ID number). This detainee was born on 4 September 1913 (Lázár Wiesel’s year of birth according to Miklós Grüner) at Maromarossziget and was the son of Szalamo Wiesel, who was at Buchenwald, and of Serena Wiesel née Feig, interned at KL Auschwitz. The stamp “26.1.45 KL. Auschwitz” indicates that Lázár Wiesel was registered at Buchenwald on 26 January 1945 coming from Auschwitz.
Document 2: Personal file card for Lázár Wiesel (KL Buchenwald)
Note: Maromarossziget [Máramarossziget in Hungarian], now Sighetu Marmaţiei (in Rumanian) is the same place which Elie Wiesel calls Sighet
The name “Szalamo” is the same as “Shlomo”, while “Serena” is phonetically close to “Sarah”.
The following table summarizes the results of the above verification:
|Lázár Wiesel||Elie Wiesel|
|Date of birth||4 September 1913||30 September 1928|
|Place of birth||Máramarossziget =Sighet||Sighet|
|Name of the father||Szalamo = Shlomo||Shlomo|
|Name of the mother||Serena Feig||Sarah Feig|
|Domicile of the father in the beginning 1945||Buchenwald||Buchenwald|
Miklós Grüner is perfectly right: Elie Wiesel has taken on Lázár Wiesel’s identity.
Another accusation levelled by Grüner concerns the origin of Elie Wiesel’s book “La Nuit” (in English “Night“). In the Hungarian version of the article mentioned in note 2, it is said that the book was published in Hungarian in Paris in 1955 by his friend Lázár with the name of Eliezer and the title “A világ hallgat” (And the world remained silent). In the English version of the article, mentioned in note 3,
the title, instead, is in Yiddish and reads “Un di Velt hot Gesvigen” (And the world remained silent).
A search for the title in Hungarian gave no result, whereas the Yiddish book is, indeed, documented. It is registered in the Bibliography of Yiddish Books on the Catastrophe and Heroism , n. 549 a p. 81. The entry, in Yiddish, states: Eliezer Wiesel, Un di Welt hot geschwign (And the world remained silent). Buenos Aires, 1956. Central Association of Polish Jews in Argentina. Series Das poilische Jidntum, vol. 117, 252 pages. There is an English translation of this book, which corresponds to chapter VII of “La Nuit”. We will discuss it further along in this article.
Is Elie Wiesel a false witness?
This having been stated, we have yet to establish whether Elie Wiesel is also a false witness on the subject of Auschwitz.
We will examine his “eye-witness account” as it is set out in his “masterpiece” (Fini), “La notte”. As early as 1986 Robert Faurisson wrote an article entitledUn grand faux témoin: Élie Wiesel  (A prominent false witness: Elie Wiesel). More recently, Thomas Kues has written a further article entitled Una donnola travestita da agnello  (A weasel in sheep’s clothing). Both authors approach the subject in general terms; now the time has come for a more through analysis. We must stress that the overall tone of the account in question is that it tells a story rather than describing something factual; Elie Wiesel goes to great lengths to avoid any verifiable details and what he says about Birkenau, about Auschwitz, about Monowitz or about Buchenwald is so vague that his story might have taken place, just as easily, somewhere in Siberia or in Canada.
Quotes are from Elie Wiesel Night, His Record of Childhood in the Death Camps of Auschwitz and Buchenwald, Penguin Books edition (Translated from the French by Stella Rodway), New York 1981.
Elie Wiesel does not specify the date of his deportation to Auschwitz. His narrative starts, though, with reference to a specific date: “On the Saturday before Pentecost [“Shavuòth” in the Italian edition], in the spring sunshine, people strolled, carefree and unheeding, through the swarming streets.” (p.22-23). In 1944, this festival fell on 28 May 1944 , a Sunday. The day in question was thus 27 May. The first transport of Jews left Sighet on the following day, hence, on 28 May. “Then, at last, at one o’clock in the afternoon, came the signal to leave” (p.27). Elie Wiesel then speaks of “Monday” (p. 29), the dawn (p.29), the day after tomorrow (p. 29) saying, at the end, “Saturday, the day of rest, was chosen for our expulsion” (p. 33) He then speaks about the traditional Friday evening meal and goes on to say: «The following morning, we marched to the station […]» (p. 33, which means that the trip to Auschwitz began on Saturday, 3 June 1944.
The duration of the trip is not given, but transports from Hungary usually took three or four days to reach Auschwitz-Birkenau. Elie Wiesel spent the night at Birkenau and was moved to Auschwitz the following day where he was given the number A-7713, which was tattooed on his arm (p. 54). Yet, according to him, “it was a beautiful April day” (p. 51).
This schedule is pure invention. If he did leave Sighet on 3 June 1944 he could not have arrived at Auschwitz in April. Moreover, the ID number A-7713 was given out on 24 May, the day on which 2,000 Hungarian Jews were assigned the numbers A-5729 through A-7728 . According to Randolph L. Braham, a Jewish transport left Máramarossziget on 20 May 1944. Allowing four days for the journey, this was the transport of Lázár Wiesel who was assigned the ID number A-7713 precisely on 24 May 1944. But apparently, Elie Wiesel was unaware of all these things.
b) Arrival at Birkenau
Elie Wiesel writes:
«But we had reached a station. Those who were next to the windows told us its name: ‘Auschwitz.’ No one had ever heard that name» (p.37).
«Toward eleven o’clock, the train began to move. We pressed against the windows.The convoy was moving slowly. A quarter of an hour later, it slowed down again. Through the windows we could see barbed wire; we realized that this must be the camp» (p. 39).
«And as the train stopped, we saw this time that flames were gushing out of a tall chimney into the black sky» (p. 39).
«In front of us flames. In the air that smell of burning flesh. It must have been about midnight. We had arrived – at Birkenau, reception centre for Auschwitz» (p. 39).
From the geographical point of view, this tale is nonsense. The spur towards Birkenau left the main track at a station, (the so-called “old ramp”) some 500 meters from the camp – as the crow flies – and then ran obliquely to the east of the camp fence. The spur was about 700 meters long.
There were four crematoria at Birkenau, named II, III, IV and V. The chimneys of the crematoria closest to the “old ramp” (II and III) were some 1,400 m away, in a straight line, and the other two (IV and V) about 1,800 meters. Over the last 400 m, the spur ran perpendicularly to the camp fence, which means that crematoria II and III could not be seen from the windows of the train, being situated straight ahead, as they were; the others were hidden behind at least 12 rows of barracks and had, moreover, two chimneys each.
As far as I know, no other witness ever spoke of having seen the chimneys of the crematoria from the deportation trains, and for good reason.
Document 3: Aerial photograph of the Birkenau camp, taken on 31 May 1944 (NA, 60PRS/462, D 1508, Exp. 3056). The circles mark the crematoria; (left to right) II, III, IV, V. The building in the shape of a “T”, marked “ZS” is the Central Sauna. “EG” is the entrance building (Eingangsgebäude). The arrow (at bottom) marks the railway spur
Elie Wiesel’s arrival at the camp is described only vaguely in his account; he takes great care to skirt any detail that might be verifiable. Aside from the “chimney” which will be discussed later, he speaks only of “barbed wire” (p. 39), then, inside the camp, of a crossroads (p. 40), a “ditch” (p. 43), “another large ditch” (p. 43), a “barrack” (p. 45), and “another barrack” (p. 48).
There is no mention of all the things which attracted the attention of the real deportees, as is shown in the photographs of the so-called Auschwitz Album (which were taken a few days after the arrival of Lázár Wiesel’s convoy: The entrance building (Eingangsgebäude) with its archway through which the trains entered the camp, the ramp (the so-called Judenrampe or Jewish ramp) with its three railway tracks inside the camp, the fences, the innumerable rows of barracks on either side, the long roads which split the camp lengthwise and crosswise, the drainage ditches, the watch-towers, the water basins for fire-fighting, or crematoria II and III at the far end of the ramp.
Then the tale becomes a little more specific:
«A barrel of petrol at the entrance. Disinfection. Everyone was soaked in it. Then a hot shower. At high speed. As we came out from the water, we were driven outside. More running. Another barracks, the store. Very long tables. Mountains of prison clothes. On we ran. As we passed, trousers, tunic, shirt, and socks were thrown to us» (pp. 47-48).
This is pure invention: At the time, Birkenau had four disinfestation and disinfection installations (Entwesungs- und Desinfektionsanlagen). The main one was the so-called Zentralsauna (Entwesungsanlage, BW 32) in the shape of a T near the western fence of the camp with its three hot-air disinfestation chambers (Heissluftentwesungskammern), three steam autoclaves (Dampf-Desinfektionsapparate), shower hall complete with undressing room and dressing room, barbershop; there were two more such installations, designated as BW 5a and 5b, located in sectors BIb and BIa, similarly furnished with a shower hall, undressing room and dressing room, but one of them had a disinfestation gas chamber working with Zyklon B, the other one had two hot-air disinfestation chambers. Moreover, BIIa, the Gypsy camp, had 8 electrical disinfestation devices (elektrische Entlausungsapparate). In the first three installations, with their undressing rooms (Auskleideraum) and dressing rooms (Ankleideraum) all stages of the operation took place indoors. The disinfection procedure did not make use of petrol. But of all these things, Elie Wiesel did not have a clue.
We should also mention, at this point, the little tale of the “good” detainee who went around among the new arrivals, telling them to make themselves older or younger than their real age, in order to avoid being “gassed”. Elie Wiesel, who was not yet 15, was told to say that he was 18, while his father, who was fifty, was advised to say “forty” (p. 41) This is a foolish story, because each transport was accompanied by a transport manifest which contained, i.e., the last name, first name and date of birth for each of the new arrivals which means that any such pious lie would be discovered immediately upon registration. It is also nonsense from the point of view of the holocaust historians, because, according to a publication of the Auschwitz Museum, all children below ge 14 were systematically gassed , whereas there was no age limit for adults. In the Auschwitz death registers (Sterbebücher) for 1943 we have 4,166 entries for persons between 51 and 90 years of age (no such registers are extant for 1944)
Elie Wiesel had no idea of how many crematoria there were at Birkenau, what they were like and where they stood. Even though, at one point, he speaks of “six crematoria” (p. 78) he always talks about “the” chimney as if their had been only one, without identifying the crematorium. Actually, there were six chimneys at Birkenau: which one was spouting flames?
He dwells on a single strange phenomenon: «Do you see that chimney over there? See it? Do you see those flames? (Yes, we did see the flames.)» (My italics) (p.41). Now, at last, we know where the chimney was: “over there”!
The tale of the flaming chimneys was very popular in the 1950s, when Elie Wiesel wrote “Night” (1958). Nowadays, nobody treats the matter seriously, not even Robert Jan van Pelt who made an effort to prove that smoke came out of the chimneys of the crematoria… period. Actually, there is no technical basis to this tale, as I have shown in a specific article.
Document 5: A convoy of Hungarian Jews at the Birkenau camp – End of June, 1944. The arrows show crematoria II and III, without “flames” or smoke (from: L’Album d’Auschwitz, p. 51)
d) The “cremation pits”
We have here the most frightening part of his “eye-witness account”:
«Not far from us, flames were leaping up from a ditch, gigantic flames. A lorry drew up at the pit and delivered its load – little children. Babies! Yes, I saw it – saw it with my own eyes… those children in the flames. (Is it surprising that I could not sleep after that? Sleep had fled from my eyes.)
So this was where we were going. A little farther on was another and larger ditch for adults.
I pinched my face. Was I still alive? Was I awake? I could not believe it. How could it be possible for them to burn people, children, and for the world to keep silent? No, none of this could be true. It was a nightmare… Soon I should wake with a start, my heart pounding, and find myself back in the bedroom of my childhood, among my books…
My father’s voice drew me from my thoughts:
‘It’s a shame… a shame that you couldn’t have gone with your mother… I saw several boys of your age going with their mothers…’
His voice was terribly sad. I realized that he did not want to see what they were going to do to me. He did not want to see the burning of his only son.
My forehead was bathed in cold sweat. But I told him that I did not believe that they could burn people in our age, that humanity would never tolerate it…
‘Humanity? Humanity is not concerned with us. Today anything is allowed. Anything is possible, even these crematories…’
His voice was choking.
‘Father,’ I said, ‘if that is so, I don’t want to wait here. I’m going to run to the electric wire. That would be better than slow agony in the flames.’
He did not answer. He was weeping. His body was shaken convulsively. Around us, everyone was weeping. Someone began to recite the Kaddish, the prayer for the dead. I do not know if it has ever happened before, in the long history of the Jews, that people have ever recited the prayer for the dead for themselves.
‘Yitgadal veyitkadach shmé rabai… May His Name be blessed and magnified…’ Whispered my father.
For the first time, I felt revolt rise up in me. Why should I bless His name? The Eternal, Lord of the Universe, the All-Powerful and Terrible, was silent. What had I to thank Him for?
We continued our march. We were gradually drawing closer to the ditch, from which an infernal heat was rising. Still twenty steps to go. If I wanted to bring about my own death, this was the moment. Our line had now only fifteen paces to cover. I bit my lips so that my father would not hear my teeth chattering. Ten steps still. Eight. Seven. We marched slowly on, as though following a hearse at our own funeral. Four steps more. Three steps. There it was now, right in front of us, the pit and its flames. I gathered all that was left of my strength, so that I could break from the ranks and throw myself upon the barbed wire. In the depths of my heart, I bade farewell to my father, to the whole universe; and, in spite of myself, the words formed themselves and issued in a whisper from my lips: Yitgadal veyitkadach shmé rabai… May His Name be blessed and magnified… My heart was bursting. The moment had come. I was face to face with the Angel of Death…
No. Two steps from the pit we were ordered to turn to the left and made to go into a barracks» (pp. 43-45).
Where does all this take place? As usual, Elie Wiesel takes care not to furnish any kind of reference point as to the location. According to the holocaust historians, the “cremation pits” were located at two sites: one was outside of the camp, across from the Zentralsauna at the alleged “Bunker 2”  and another was in the northern yard of crematorium V. We must exclude the first site, because otherwise Elie Wiesel would have had to mention their leaving the camp and walking several hundred meters in open terrain.
What about the other site?
In the study Auschwitz: Open Air Incinerations , I have shown, on the basis of an analysis of all available aerial photographs of Birkenau, that the story of the “cremation pits”, as far as their number, their size or their purpose are concerned, is not borne out by the reality on the ground. The only documented site of any kind of cremation that may have existed at Birkenau was a space behind crematorium V, it covered an area of some 50 square meters – whereas, if we follow the holocaust propaganda, the alleged extermination of the Hungarian Jews is said to have required “cremation ditches” with an area of about 5,900 square meters altogether
We must remember, moreover, that in order to reach this point it would have been necessary to pass crematoria IV and V which surely would not have escaped the eye of as acute an observer of chimneys as Elie Wiesel – there were four chimneys, after all. What is more, there were no barracks in the vicinity, there was only crematorium V. Finally, the nearest wire fence against which our witness wanted to throw himself (on the north side) ran along on the far side of a drainage ditch.
Wiesel’s tale is not only historically unfounded, it is also absurd, because if Wiesel had really come within two steps of a real “cremation pit” – which would have had to be run at a temperature of about 600 degC to be effective – he would have been killed by the intense heat.
The scene of the truck unloading children into a “cremation pit” is also one of the ludicrous propaganda arguments of the post-war era. It was illustrated by one of David Olère’s drawings in 1947 which was then to inspire a number of later “eye-witnesses”
The transfer to Buchenwald
We do not have to go into the motivations for Wiesel’s decision to leave with the Germans rather than wait for the Soviets to arrive, because, in its literary context, it is psychologically explained by the (unjustified) fear that all those remaining behind in the camp would be shot.
Leaving aside the evacuation march itself and the ride on the train, we will consider the details of the arrival at Buchenwald, keeping in mind only the duration of the whole trip: three days’ stay at Gleiwitz (p. 107), plus one day for the march from Monowitz, and «ten days, ten nights of travelling» (p. 111) for a total of at least 14 days. On arrival at Buchenwald we have the usual fogginess – no part of the camp can be identified in any way. Wiesel speaks of showers «On the third day after our arrival at Buchenwald» (p. 118) but avoids any kind of detail regarding the registration procedure. We have already seen that Miklós Grüner and Lázár Wiesel who really did go to Buchenwald were respectively assigned the ID numbers 120762 and 123565.
If Elie Wiesel had in any manner wanted to speak of the registration which he had to go through like everyone else, obviously, he would have had to say something about two ID numbers. Worse still, there is no record of a person by the name of Elie (or Eliezer) Wiesel in the Buchenwald files.
Let us take a look at the account of his arrival at Buchenwald to see whether it agrees with the documents.
He states that he went to have a shower «on the third day after our arrival at Buchenwald» (p. 118) and that this had occured on «January 28, 1945» (p.123), which means that he left Monowitz on 11 January and arrived at Buchenwald on 25 January. Actually, there were three convoys of deportees from the Auschwitz-Birkenau complex which went to Buchenwald  in January of 1945:
|Date of departure||Date of arrival||ID numbers||Number of detainees|
|18 January||22 January||117195-119418||2,224|
|18 January||23 January||119419-120337||919|
|18 January||26 Januar||120348-124274||3,927|
No convoy left on 11 January, no convoy took longer than 8 days to arrive. The one arriving on 26 January had both Lázár Wiesel and Miklós Grüner on board, as we can see from the ID numbers assigned to them – 120762 and 123565.
As has been mentioned above, the original Yiddish text from which Elie Wiesel took chapter VII of his book (the account of the journey from Gleiwitz to Buchenwald) has been translated into English by Moshe Spiegel under the title “The Death Train”. The two texts are very similar, except that in the first book the number of detainees loaded into Elie Wiesel’s car is not 100 but 120. Moreover, there is a mention here of the number of cars on the train: 25. On the other hand, the number of detainees in Elie Wiesel’s car still alive on arrival at Buchenwald is the same for both: 12 (p. 101). This means that, in this car, there was a mortality of 88 or 90%, respectively. But the entire convoy would have had a similar death rate:
«The journey lasted ten interminable days and nights. Each day claimed its toll of victims and each night paid its homage to the Angel of Death».
On the day of the arrival at Buchenwald, there were 40 deaths.
Thus, initially, there would have been (25 x 100 ~ 120 =) 2,500 ~ 3,000 detainees altogether on this train, with most of them dying on the way.
On the other hand, it is known from the train manifests, that the transport which reached Buchenwald on 26 January comprised, on departure, exactly 3,987 detainees ; if 3,927 of them were registered at Buchenwald on arrival there were 60 deaths, or a mortality of 1.5 percent, along the way.
Taking all these aspects into account, one can see that the description given by Elie Wiesel for the journey from Gleiwitz to Buchenwald cannot be true.
In short, Elie Wiesel was never interned at Birkenau, nor at Auschwtz, nor at Monowitz, nor at Buchenwald.
As far as Elie Wiesel’s father Shlomo is concerned, while his name  does appear in the Central Database of Shoah Victims’ Names  at Yad Vashem, this information was provided on 8 October 2004 by Elie Wiesel himself!
One last remark: It is asserted that Elie Wiesel’s presence at Buchenwald is borne out by the fact that he appears on a photograph showing a group of detainees at this camp:
«Photo by Harry Miller of slave laborers in the Buchenwald concentration camp after U.S. troops of the 80th Div. entered the camp. Taken on 16 April 1945. Miklos Grüner (Haft-Nr. 120762) is on the left at the bottom, while Elie Wiesel (Haft-Nr. 123565) is on the next row up, seventh along, nearest to the third pillar from the left».
However, the interpretation that the face of the person shown on this photograph is Elie Wiesel’s is based solely on his own statement to the effect that he recognized himself. As to “his” ID number – 123565 – that number belonged to Lázár Wiesel!
Analiza completa aici